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The lead story in the Post this morning talks about how Congress has begun to focus more (and more publicly) on domestic economic policy. The idea, basically, is that the public has shifted away from its small-government leanings and Republicans are making waves about following.
Here is my second column published in my university's newspaper.
Last week, my economics class discussed price gouging. Apparently, some gas station owners are being prosecuted for raising gasoline prices before and after Hurricane Katrina.
As we all know, Katrina left thousands homeless and generally devastated the south. Thank God that the government came to the rescue- by investigating high gas prices.
After the hurricane, few offenses were more reviled than gas price gouging.
David Brooks isn't exactly a Cato-style libertarian, and his promotion of a conservatism that's willing to use government to promote its agenda isn't exactly aligned with mine, but he's a good, smart writer, and a thoughtful, honest commentator.
That's what NRO's David Freddoso calls industry support for S-CHIP, as business owners stand to profit from dumping dependents on the state. This isn't a new thing -- my friend Tim Carney wrote an entire book about businesses that feed off of various government subsidies and programs -- but it's depressing all the same.
This isn't exactly news, but city-run wi-fi projects are expensive and worthless -- and businesses aren't getting much out of their investments in them.Ã‚Â Via TLF's Adam Thierer, WSJ's Ben Charny has the goods:
This shouldn't be news to anyone here, but nationalized health care isn't the medical utopia you often hear its advocates proclaim, and it's always worth revisiting some of the health-care stories that come out of those systems. Ladies and gents, I give you John Stossel:
As everyone expected, S-CHIP passed in the House yesterday, and by a pretty wide margin:
Last night, 45 Republicans voted for the bill -- more than Republican supporters had expected and a sharp jump from the five who supported the original House version in August. Eight Democrats voted against it.
Not a veto-proof majority -- so it doesn't look like it will actually become law any time soon -- but one that suggests how weak the resistance was to this bill.